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official in Peking who dare take responsibility. Yuan Shih Kai, with all his faults, saw his way more or less clearly, and had the courage, at times at any rate, to put his foot down.
I had the pleasure of an interview with his Excellency Liang Ten Yen, President of the 'Wai-wu Pu, whilst in Peking. I pointed out to him that, in my opinion, the absence of any strong man ready to take responsibility was an evidence of weakness in the Chinese Government, which might conceivably lead the Empire into serious complications With perfect candour he replied that neither he nor any high Chinese official saw any reason why they should sacrifice themselves and their interests for the public good by taking any responsibility that could be evaded. Indeed, it is perfectly clear that he and all others are seeking to place the burden of government anywhere rather than allow it to rest on their own shoulders.
I gather that the higher British officials, even including the Minister, find in their experience that they have free access at all times to any officials, that the officials seem to agree with the position taken up and with the arguments advanced by them in the cases that are outstanding; but when asked to do something, shrug their shoulders and say, "We must refer the matter to the provincial authorities,' which simply means that all business is bandied to and fro between Peking and the A policy of drift, such as is now being provinces without anything being settled. pursued, is a dangerous one under the existing conditions in China.
(b.) The Growing Independence of the Provinces.--Side by side with the lack of strong men in Peking, and perhaps partly as a consequence of it, the provinces are more and more asserting their independence. I have noticed in conversations with various sorts of people that they all of them pay very little attention to anything Peking may decide. The very high officials simply hold up business sent to them from Peking if the Peking views do not coincide with their own ideas and interests; while not refusing in plain terms to carry out any instructions sent them, they dilly dally with all sorts of excuses and suggestions so that the effect is just about the same as if they had given a positive refusal. In discussing this subject recently with one of the Chinese gentry of Anwbei, he stated quite frankly that they did not care a snap
of their fingers what Peking might wish to do, that they would carry out their own wishes in spite of everybody. There seems, on the part of many, to be a very strong opposition against the Wai-wu Pu, and particularly against his Excellency Liang Ten Yang. This board is accused of pandering to foreigners: the officials responsible for the conduct of the affairs committed to this department, while recognising the justice of foreign claims in many of the cases referred to them, absolutely decline to take any definite steps to effect a settlement, because they fear the storm of abuse which will break over their heads in case they give way.
A. great deal of the opposition in the provinces is undoubtedly manufactured by upstarts, or to put it in other words, these gentry hope to derive advantage by fishing in troubled waters. There is no question at all but that these people could be brought to their senses, and would fall most peaceably into line if it was made quite clear to them by a strong man in Peking that he intended to have his wishes carried out. During the height of the Chekiang trouble in connection with the British and Chinese Corpora- tion loan, the rowdy upstarts in the province were allowed a free hand to stir up a dangerous agitation, but as soon as one strong man in Peking ordered 10,000 northern troops to proceed immediately to the capital of the province, Hangehow, to keep things in order, a definite silence ensued immediately in the province, and all opposition collapsed. They agreed at once to keep order and to behave themselves. The unfortunate author of the scheme died, the troops were never sent, the pressure was relieved, and things went on gaily as before. Chekiang has been allowed to have its own way in spite of the most absolute orders of the Imperial Government. other provinces are now immediately following suit, to wit, Honan, Anwhei, Szechuan. The movement is gaining force, and will spread all over the Empiro unless speedily checked.
The
It is obvious that a condition of chaos is quite possible if this agitation is allowed to continue unchecked. What will be the outcome it is quite impossible to say, and I hesitate to prophesy. I cannot believe, however, that a revolution under present circumstances has any possible change of success unless some of the provinces with their Viceroy should head such a movement. At the present moment there is not the slightest sign of any such man on the political horizon.
(c.) The continuance of the Rights Recovery Movement.--This peculiar obstruction shows no sign of abatement. The Chinese have developed some extraordinary ideas as to what the doctrine of sovereign rights means. While I was in Tien-tsin they
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The
actually made the absurd suggestion of buying back the Tien-tsin settlement redemption of Wei-hai Wei, Tsingtao and other places is also a subject which is being much discussed. The Chinese now seem to have adopted the idea that if a foreigner owns any land anywhere in the empire, the sovereign rights of China are in some way infringed. There is no doubt that the anti-foreign feching is just as bitter as it ever was. They have learnt, however, that the cutting of foreigner's throats is an expensive, dangerous, and futile movement, and that by adopting this policy instead of getting rid of the foreigner, they get a great deal more of him. They have determined to do without the foreiguer ant the foreigner's goods as far as possible, so they insist on building and controlling their own railways, of financing them, and erecting and running all sorts of industrial enterprises. They have not served an apprenticeship in any of these, to them, new lines. consequently they are very apt to get their fingers burnt. They seem to imagine that they can run rail- roads, mines, and all other sorts of enterprises just as well by themselves as with the foreigner's assistance. While a great many people, especially of the student class, with whom are associated many rowdy upstarts, are making a great deal of noise and agitation, it is at the same time true that a by no means inconsiderable number of the older and more serious class are afraid to commit their interests to the preachers of the new doctrines. As a result, many of the enterprises languish for want of funds. Many do not seem to recognise that they can employ foreign capital and foreign expert experience with great advantage to China, without loss of dignity.
The Chinese Government consistently ignores articles of treaties which are inconvenient to them. In the same manner Government and gentry disregard at their pleasure the terms of the contracts into which they enter. There are a number of causes célèbres now before the public in China which are of importance, upon the correct decision of which very much depends for future deals with foreigners and Chinese generally. A few of these cases are interesting, and throw a certain amount of light upon present conditions obtaining.
To illustrate this point I give a few facts concerning some of these cases :—
The
The Tung Wang Shun Mines. Sir John Lister Kaye several years ago obtained a concession to open a mine in the province of Anwhei. Many stipulations and condi- tions were thrown around the concession. Shortly after this was arranged the new ideas obtained a footing, and the fiery student class, to show their patriotism, set them- selves to wreck this and every similar concession. They are determined to cancel the concession and seek any flimsy excuse to accomplish their end. In this particular instance they state that the mine was not opened within a year, hence the contract is void. As a matter of fact numberless obstacles were put in the way: A foreign engineer was on the ground and a certain amount of surface scratching done. province appears to be up in arms against the concession; really it is only a small number of agitations keeping up the ferment. As a matter of fact the agitation has been started in the yamêns up the Yang-tsze. Some of the more irresponsible men have met together and held meetings and have sent representatives to Peking. Sir John Lister Kaye told me that the representatives in Peking were not members of the Anwhei province at all. I was informed that as soon as negotiations begin to hang fire the representatives in Peking send down word to the upstarts in Anwhei to hold another meeting, and send up further telegrams, in this way they keep the pot boiling. The objectors had a meeting recently in Wuhu, and amongst other things they drew up a written protest affixing thereto the names of several prominent geutry who have held aloof from the agitation. Amongst them were some well-known to me, viz., his Excellency Cheo Fu, Viceroy of Nanking some three or four years ago, but now retired into private life, and Li Chin Mei, brother of Lord Li, Minister in London. Both these gentlemen strongly protested that their names should not appear on these documents. Their objections were overruled. Finally, Cheo Fu, I believe, was strong enough to have his name removed, but Li, though objecting in the strongest possible fashion, allowed his name to remain there, fearing that otherwise the local rowdies would interfere with him or wreck his property. At the same time he stated recently to a foreign friend of mine that he hoped the British would hold out, and under no circumstances give way, and that it would be bad for China and for Britain if the foreigners yielded. The ordinary people are eager to be employed. Nothing would be more popular amongst the bulk of the people than to find employment in large mines and other industrial works run in foreign fashion and giving employment to the peasants.
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